Originally published in The Toronto Star on 3 March 2026.
As a first-generation Canadian Iranian, I wholeheartedly oppose Iran’s authoritarian regime and have been personally victimised by it. Yet, as an international criminal and human rights lawyer, I cannot condone the U.S. and Israel’s manifestly unlawful use of force against Iran for geopolitical expediency. And neither should other Canadian Iranians.
I was raised on the news and images of injustice, tyranny, and oppression at the hands of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This upbringing shaped my professional trajectory. I became an international criminal and human rights lawyer, focused on accountability for atrocities, such as crimes against humanity perpetrated by the Iranian regime against its population. I have used the language of international law to pursue justice for Iranians and the language of diplomacy to support the release of political prisoners, including my aunt Professor Homa Hoodfar, who was arbitrarily detained in Evin prison. I am not an Iranian government apologist and one of my greatest dreams is to see a free, democratic, and pluralistic Iran.
The U.S. and Israel’s military operations against Iran, including the assassination of Ayatollah Khamenei, are not the answer to my dreams, nor those of Iranians. For decades, human rights activists and international lawyers have documented the regime’s ruthless violations of international law, including large-scale, lethal crackdowns on protesters, and advocated for Iran to comply with its legal obligations. The Islamic Republic’s utter disrespect for key international institutions and treaties has been a metric by which to evaluate its brutality and disregard for human rights at home. This advocacy is premised on an inherent recognition that international law imposes necessary constraints and safeguards to protect civilians from state violence, armed conflict, and international crimes. We cannot throw away our principles and values, in which our legitimate critiques of Iran’s regime have been rooted, just because of our disdain for the ruling government.
In this vein, the most recent military strikes against Iran, which have killed hundreds of civilians including at least 165 children, are not only unlawful, but an existential threat to the international legal system. Legal experts have clearly explained how the U.S. and Israel’s use of force against Iran violates the UN Charter, does not amount to self-defence, and cannot be justified under international law. Moreover, the fact that these attacks took place, once again, during nuclear negotiations undermines the use of diplomacy as an alternative to violence and sets back the non-proliferation movement. The U.S.’s bad faith negotiations have sent a dangerous message, not just to Iran but to the world, to distrust international diplomacy as a pathway to peace.
Undeniably, international law has barely protected civilians in Iran, or across the world. This failure is not because the law and its human rights protections are without merit. Rather, it is the uneven wielding of power in international politics and the exceptionalism by major powers that has weakened the international legal system as a viable arena for civilian protection. By encouraging further exceptionalism, because the target of this violence is one that we disdain, we are contributing to further corrosion of international law.
Our enemy’s enemy is not our friend. The U.S.’s belligerent foreign policies reflect the authoritarianism and violence Trump has enacted domestically, especially against immigrant communities. Israel’s genocide and war crimes in Gaza and military assaults across the region reveal a cynical disregard for civilian life. The leaders of these countries do not genuinely care about human rights or international law; rhetoric justifying their conduct in the interest of the Iranian people is a mockery. As Canadian Iranians who advocate for justice and human rights in Iran, we should remember that the U.S. and Israel have been as harmful to civilians through their domestic and foreign policies, as the Iranian regime has been to us and our people.
Despite the latest attacks, Iran’s military, political, and clerical structures remain entrenched and intact. True systemic change will not come from bombs and brutality imposed by the outside; it will only come from a concerted, organised, and politically imaginative resistance within Iran. Other protracted armed conflicts in the region exemplify Audre Lorde’s cautionary quote: “For the master’s tool will never dismantle the master’s house. They may allow us temporarily to beat him at his own game, but they will never enable us to bring about genuine change.” Iranians deserve genuine change. Prioritising perceived short-term gains for unimaginable long-term losses, such as the abandonment of international law, is a disservice to generations of Iranians to come.
As a first-generation Canadian Iranian, I wholeheartedly oppose Iran’s authoritarian regime and have been personally victimised by it. Yet, as an international criminal and human rights lawyer, I cannot condone the U.S. and Israel’s manifestly unlawful use of force against Iran for geopolitical expediency. And neither should other Canadian Iranians.
I was raised on the news and images of injustice, tyranny, and oppression at the hands of the Islamic Republic of Iran. This upbringing shaped my professional trajectory. I became an international criminal and human rights lawyer, focused on accountability for atrocities, such as crimes against humanity perpetrated by the Iranian regime against its population. I have used the language of international law to pursue justice for Iranians and the language of diplomacy to support the release of political prisoners, including my aunt Professor Homa Hoodfar, who was arbitrarily detained in Evin prison. I am not an Iranian government apologist and one of my greatest dreams is to see a free, democratic, and pluralistic Iran.
The U.S. and Israel’s military operations against Iran, including the assassination of Ayatollah Khamenei, are not the answer to my dreams, nor those of Iranians. For decades, human rights activists and international lawyers have documented the regime’s ruthless violations of international law, including large-scale, lethal crackdowns on protesters, and advocated for Iran to comply with its legal obligations. The Islamic Republic’s utter disrespect for key international institutions and treaties has been a metric by which to evaluate its brutality and disregard for human rights at home. This advocacy is premised on an inherent recognition that international law imposes necessary constraints and safeguards to protect civilians from state violence, armed conflict, and international crimes. We cannot throw away our principles and values, in which our legitimate critiques of Iran’s regime have been rooted, just because of our disdain for the ruling government.
In this vein, the most recent military strikes against Iran, which have killed hundreds of civilians including at least 165 children, are not only unlawful, but an existential threat to the international legal system. Legal experts have clearly explained how the U.S. and Israel’s use of force against Iran violates the UN Charter, does not amount to self-defence, and cannot be justified under international law. Moreover, the fact that these attacks took place, once again, during nuclear negotiations undermines the use of diplomacy as an alternative to violence and sets back the non-proliferation movement. The U.S.’s bad faith negotiations have sent a dangerous message, not just to Iran but to the world, to distrust international diplomacy as a pathway to peace.
Undeniably, international law has barely protected civilians in Iran, or across the world. This failure is not because the law and its human rights protections are without merit. Rather, it is the uneven wielding of power in international politics and the exceptionalism by major powers that has weakened the international legal system as a viable arena for civilian protection. By encouraging further exceptionalism, because the target of this violence is one that we disdain, we are contributing to further corrosion of international law.
Our enemy’s enemy is not our friend. The U.S.’s belligerent foreign policies reflect the authoritarianism and violence Trump has enacted domestically, especially against immigrant communities. Israel’s genocide and war crimes in Gaza and military assaults across the region reveal a cynical disregard for civilian life. The leaders of these countries do not genuinely care about human rights or international law; rhetoric justifying their conduct in the interest of the Iranian people is a mockery. As Canadian Iranians who advocate for justice and human rights in Iran, we should remember that the U.S. and Israel have been as harmful to civilians through their domestic and foreign policies, as the Iranian regime has been to us and our people.
Despite the latest attacks, Iran’s military, political, and clerical structures remain entrenched and intact. True systemic change will not come from bombs and brutality imposed by the outside; it will only come from a concerted, organised, and politically imaginative resistance within Iran. Other protracted armed conflicts in the region exemplify Audre Lorde’s cautionary quote: “For the master’s tool will never dismantle the master’s house. They may allow us temporarily to beat him at his own game, but they will never enable us to bring about genuine change.” Iranians deserve genuine change. Prioritising perceived short-term gains for unimaginable long-term losses, such as the abandonment of international law, is a disservice to generations of Iranians to come.